H.R. 3762 (119th)Bill Overview

Supporting Healthy Moms and Babies Act

Health|Health
Cosponsors
Support
Lean Democratic
Introduced
Jun 5, 2025
Discussions
Bill Text
Current stageCommittee

Referred to the Committee on Energy and Commerce, and in addition to the Committees on Ways and Means, and Education and Workforce, for a period to be subsequently determined by t…

Introduced
Committee
Floor
President
Law
Congressional Activities
01 · The brief

The Supporting Healthy Moms and Babies Act amends the Affordable Care Act’s essential health benefits to explicitly require comprehensive prenatal, labor and delivery, neonatal, perinatal, and postpartum care and screenings, and defines postpartum as the one-year period after pregnancy.

The bill lists minimum covered services (e.g., ultrasounds, care for spontaneous pregnancy loss, delivery services including anesthesiology and fetal monitoring, specified statutory services, postpartum medical and behavioral health care for pregnancy‑related conditions, and behavioral health services for non‑birthing legal parents for one year).

It also prohibits cost‑sharing (as defined in the ACA) for those maternity and newborn benefits for individual and group market plans, and it adds parallel requirements to ERISA-covered employer plans and the Internal Revenue Code to ensure broad application.

Passage35/100

Substantively appealing goal (improving maternal and newborn health) increases political salience, but the bill simultaneously imposes a broad, unfunded federal mandate banning cost‑sharing across most private coverage. That regulatory and fiscal footprint tends to complicate enactment absent compromise measures (phasing, offsets, narrow targeting) or a legislative vehicle designed to accommodate such changes. On content alone, this combination makes ultimate enactment uncertain to unlikely.

CredibilityPartially aligned

Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill clearly establishes a substantive policy change by defining maternity/newborn benefits and prohibiting cost-sharing across statutory regimes. It integrates explicitly with existing law and sets an effective date, but lacks fiscal acknowledgement, detailed implementation guidance, and explicit enforcement or reporting mechanisms.

Contention70/100

Scope and role of federal mandates: liberals see necessary standardization to protect health; conservatives see federal overreach and mandate costs.

02 · What it does

Who stands to gain, and who may push back.

Who this appears to help vs burden50% / 50%
EmployersEmployers · Federal agencies
Likely helped
  • Targeted stakeholdersReduces out-of-pocket costs for pregnant and postpartum people by eliminating copayments, coinsurance, and deductibles…
  • Targeted stakeholdersLikely increases utilization of prenatal, delivery, postpartum, and behavioral health services (including treatment for…
  • EmployersStandardizes coverage across markets by codifying a detailed set of maternity and newborn services as essential benefit…
Likely burdened
  • EmployersInsurers and employers are likely to face higher claim costs for covered services, which critics would argue could tran…
  • Federal agenciesFederal mandates on coverage and the prohibition on cost-sharing for a broad set of services impose additional regulato…
  • CitiesIncreased demand for covered services (especially behavioral health and specialized maternal care) could outpace existi…
03 · Why people split

Why the argument around this bill splits.

Scope and role of federal mandates: liberals see necessary standardization to protect health; conservatives see federal overreach and mandate costs.
Progressive90%

This persona would view the bill as a strong step to remove financial barriers to maternal and newborn care and to expand access to a full year of postpartum care, including behavioral health.

They would praise explicit coverage requirements (ultrasounds, miscarriage care, comprehensive delivery services) and the prohibition on cost‑sharing as measures likely to reduce disparities in maternal morbidity and mortality.

They would note the inclusion of behavioral health for both birthing and non‑birthing legal parents as an important recognition of parental mental health.

Leans supportive
Centrist65%

A centrist would generally view the bill as a targeted, plausible policy to improve maternal and newborn health by removing financial barriers and standardizing a one‑year postpartum period.

They would appreciate the public‑health rationale and likely reduced downstream costs from better managed postpartum conditions, but would want evidence on fiscal and insurance market effects before full support.

Pragmatic concerns would focus on implementation details—cost estimates, effects on premiums and employer plans (particularly small employers), and clear administrative rules to avoid unintended consequences.

Split reaction
Conservative20%

This persona would likely view the bill as an expansion of federal mandates that imposes new benefit and cost obligations on insurers and employers, limiting plan design flexibility.

They would be concerned that banning cost‑sharing for a wide set of services increases premiums or employer costs, that it expands federal overreach into employer benefit decisions, and that it may create compliance burdens for ERISA plans.

They may also question whether the bill creates unfunded mandates and would want exemptions or flexibility for small businesses and religious employers.

Likely resistant
04 · Can it pass?

The path through Congress.

Introduced

Reached or meaningfully advanced

Committee

Reached or meaningfully advanced

Floor

Still ahead

President

Still ahead

Law

Still ahead

Passage likelihood35/100

Substantively appealing goal (improving maternal and newborn health) increases political salience, but the bill simultaneously imposes a broad, unfunded federal mandate banning cost‑sharing across most private coverage. That regulatory and fiscal footprint tends to complicate enactment absent compromise measures (phasing, offsets, narrow targeting) or a legislative vehicle designed to accommodate such changes. On content alone, this combination makes ultimate enactment uncertain to unlikely.

Scope and complexity
52%
Scopemoderate
52%
Complexitymedium
Why this could stall
  • No cost estimate or budgetary analysis is included in the bill text; the magnitude of premium, employer, insurer, and federal fiscal effects is unknown and would strongly influence legislative support.
  • How regulators would interpret and operationalize several terms (e.g., scope of required screenings and services, 'legal parents' who did not give birth, interaction with existing state mandates) is unclear and could create implementation complexity.
05 · Recent votes

Recent votes on the bill.

No vote history yet

The bill has not accumulated any surfaced votes yet.

06 · Go deeper

Go deeper than the headline read.

Included on this page

Scope and role of federal mandates: liberals see necessary standardization to protect health; conservatives see federal overreach and manda…

Substantively appealing goal (improving maternal and newborn health) increases political salience, but the bill simultaneously imposes a br…

Unlocked analysis

Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill clearly establishes a substantive policy change by defining maternity/newborn benefits and prohibiting cost-sharing across statutory regimes. It integrates explicitly…

Go beyond the headline summary with full stakeholder mapping, legislative design analysis, passage barriers, and lens-by-lens tradeoff breakdowns.

Perspective breakdownsPassage barriersLegislative design reviewStakeholder impact map
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