Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 193.
This bill is the Financial Services and General Government Appropriations Act, 2026.
It provides FY2026 appropriations and direction for the Department of the Treasury (including IRS, FinCEN, CDFI Fund, OFAC/Treasury intelligence offices, mint, ATF, Bureau of Fiscal Service), the Executive Office of the President, the Judiciary, District of Columbia payments and local budget conditions, and many independent agencies (FCC, FTC, SEC, SBA, GSA, National Archives, etc.).
The text includes specific dollar amounts for many accounts and programmatic directions, reporting requirements, transfer authorities, and numerous policy riders and prohibitions that limit or bar use of funds for particular regulations, programs, or activities (examples: restrictions on CBDC work, ESG/advisory committees, certain agency rulemakings, DEI training, and various agency-specific rules).
As an annual appropriations bill it addresses necessary discretionary funding (which historically is enacted in some form), increasing its baseline chance of eventual enactment. However, the bill’s large number of contentious riders and prescriptive prohibitions across many policy areas substantially reduce the chance that this exact text will survive Senate consideration and bipartisan negotiation. Historically, such House-passed appropriations measures either are heavily amended in the Senate or folded into consolidated minibus/omnibus packages where many riders are negotiated away; therefore, while core funding is likely to be enacted, many of the specific policy riders in this draft face a low-to-moderate chance of surviving unchanged into law.
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a comprehensive appropriations measure that provides detailed funding levels, statutory riders, transfer authorities, reporting obligations, and oversight mechanisms across a wide set of Treasury, executive, judiciary, independent agency, and District of Columbia programs for FY2026.
Scope and number of policy riders: liberals view them as harmful constraints on climate, civil-rights, and consumer-protection rulemaking; conservatives view them as necessary limits on agency overreach.
Scope and number of policy riders: liberals view them as harmful constraints on climate, civil-rights, and consumer-protection rulemaking; conservatives view them as necessary limits on agency overreach.
A mainstream liberal would see the bill as a standard appropriations vehicle that funds many federal public services (IRS taxpayer assistance, CDFI investments, cybersecurity, court security, drug-control programs).
However, they would be concerned about numerous policy riders that restrict agency rulemaking and limit activities on climate, environmental/social/governance (ESG) considerations, diversity/equity/inclusion initiatives, and other regulatory efforts.
They would welcome increased funding for community development financial institutions, taxpayer services, and cybersecurity, but regard the riders as politically motivated constraints that could undermine civil rights, climate policy, and administrative capacity.
A mainstream centrist or pragmatic moderate would view the bill as a mixed package: it funds core government operations (Treasury, IRS, cybersecurity, courts, and independent agencies) and includes accountability measures and reporting which can be useful.
At the same time the bill contains many prescriptive riders that limit agency discretion, and some of those could raise governance or legal concerns or constrain agencies from responding to evolving problems.
Centrists would likely weigh the appropriations' operational benefits and oversight provisions positively but be wary of the volume of policy prohibitions and micromanagement, preferring clearer cost estimates and less politically targeted restrictions.
A mainstream conservative would generally view the bill favorably because it funds law enforcement, Treasury national security activities, the courts, and many independent agencies while including numerous riders that limit perceived regulatory overreach and what conservatives often view as politicized agency initiatives.
The restrictions on ESG advisory committees, DEI initiatives, CBDC development, certain FCC/FTC rules, and other limitations align with typical conservative priorities to constrain agency activism and protect individual liberty and markets.
They might still scrutinize overall spending levels or specific program funding but would likely see the overall package as a pragmatic funding bill with strong policy guards.
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Reached or meaningfully advanced
Still ahead
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As an annual appropriations bill it addresses necessary discretionary funding (which historically is enacted in some form), increasing its baseline chance of eventual enactment. However, the bill’s large number of contentious riders and prescriptive prohibitions across many policy areas substantially reduce the chance that this exact text will survive Senate consideration and bipartisan negotiation. Historically, such House-passed appropriations measures either are heavily amended in the Senate or folded into consolidated minibus/omnibus packages where many riders are negotiated away; therefore, while core funding is likely to be enacted, many of the specific policy riders in this draft face a low-to-moderate chance of surviving unchanged into law.
The bill has not accumulated any surfaced votes yet.
Scope and number of policy riders: liberals view them as harmful constraints on climate, civil-rights, and consumer-protection rulemaking;…
As an annual appropriations bill it addresses necessary discretionary funding (which historically is enacted in some form), increasing its…
Relative to its intended legislative type, this bill is a comprehensive appropriations measure that provides detailed funding levels, statutory riders, transfer authorities, reporting obligations, and oversight mechanis…
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